Buku From Lawmen to Plowmen: Anglo-Saxon Legal Tradition and the School of Langland (Toronto Anglo-Saxon Series) by Yeager Stephen
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From Lawmen to Plowmen: Anglo-Saxon Legal Tradition and the School of Langland (Toronto Anglo-Saxon Series) by Yeager Stephen

Author:Yeager, Stephen [Yeager, Stephen]

Language: eng

Format: azw3

ISBN: 9781442696174

Publisher: University of Toronto Press, Scholarly Publishing Division

Published: 2014-10-16T16:00:00+00:00

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From Lawmen to Plowmen: Anglo-Saxon Legal Tradition and the School of Langland (Toronto Anglo-Saxon Series) by Yeager Stephen

Langland’s Immediate Contexts

Kathryn Kerby-Fulton has argued that one may see in the versions of Piers Plowman evidence suggesting that Langland felt an affinity for the Benedictine order. First, Langland seems to distinguish between the endowments of regular clergy and secular clergy, and he seems to be far more critical of the latter.22 Second, there is some evidence that Langland studied in a Benedictine abbey as a boy, and the apocalyptic allegory witnessed by the versions of Piers Plowman betrays its origins in monastic traditions of exegesis.23 Finally, criticism of the surviving manuscripts of Piers Plowman has suggested that monastic houses made up a significant percentage of Langland’s early readership.24 Taken together, this evidence suggests that Langland’s choice of alliterative verse may well have been influenced by the monastic traditions of vernacular English literacy surveyed in the preceding chapters, and that his work appealed to audiences who were themselves trained in those traditions. In the first part of this section, I will briefly summarize some of the more compelling evidence for continuity between Anglo-Saxon legal-homiletic discourse, early vernacular alliterative verse, and the Piers Plowman tradition. I will then go on to contextualize Langland’s particular employment of alliterative verse as a quasi-documentary form.

As I said in chapter 3, Langland’s highly innovative mode of writing appears to derive from the scribal and intellectual culture of the West Midlands, not far removed from the scribes and audiences of The First Worcester Fragment, the Brut, and the Jesus 29 manuscript of the Proverbs of Alfred.25 Among the best evidence for this connection is the so-called Harley lyrics, appearing in the manuscript London, BL Harley 2253. The scribe of the Harley manuscript appears to have been a legal scrivener, who likely worked in the vicinity of Hereford Cathedral.26 In William of Malmesbury’s Vita Wulfstani it is clear that Robert de Losinga, bishop of Hereford, was a close friend and ally of St Wulfstan, and the dioceses maintained this connection for some time thereafter; hence the Harley scribe’s work falls into the general orbit of Worcester book production.27 The Harley lyrics have been often cited as important antecedents to Langland’s own mode of alliterative satire, though it is generally agreed that their basic formal elements are reworked considerably in the versions of Piers Plowman.28

 

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From Lawmen to Plowmen: Anglo-Saxon Legal Tradition and the School of Langland (Toronto Anglo-Saxon Series) by Yeager Stephen

Author:Yeager, Stephen [Yeager, Stephen] , Date: June 6, 2019

,Views: 12

Author:Yeager, Stephen [Yeager, Stephen]

Language: eng

Format: azw3

ISBN: 9781442696174

Publisher: University of Toronto Press, Scholarly Publishing Division

Published: 2014-10-16T16:00:00+00:00
Langland’s Immediate Contexts

Kathryn Kerby-Fulton has argued that one may see in the versions of Piers Plowman evidence suggesting that Langland felt an affinity for the Benedictine order. First, Langland seems to distinguish between the endowments of regular clergy and secular clergy, and he seems to be far more critical of the latter.22 Second, there is some evidence that Langland studied in a Benedictine abbey as a boy, and the apocalyptic allegory witnessed by the versions of Piers Plowman betrays its origins in monastic traditions of exegesis.23 Finally, criticism of the surviving manuscripts of Piers Plowman has suggested that monastic houses made up a significant percentage of Langland’s early readership.24 Taken together, this evidence suggests that Langland’s choice of alliterative verse may well have been influenced by the monastic traditions of vernacular English literacy surveyed in the preceding chapters, and that his work appealed to audiences who were themselves trained in those traditions. In the first part of this section, I will briefly summarize some of the more compelling evidence for continuity between Anglo-Saxon legal-homiletic discourse, early vernacular alliterative verse, and the Piers Plowman tradition. I will then go on to contextualize Langland’s particular employment of alliterative verse as a quasi-documentary form.

As I said in chapter 3, Langland’s highly innovative mode of writing appears to derive from the scribal and intellectual culture of the West Midlands, not far removed from the scribes and audiences of The First Worcester Fragment, the Brut, and the Jesus 29 manuscript of the Proverbs of Alfred.25 Among the best evidence for this connection is the so-called Harley lyrics, appearing in the manuscript London, BL Harley 2253. The scribe of the Harley manuscript appears to have been a legal scrivener, who likely worked in the vicinity of Hereford Cathedral.26 In William of Malmesbury’s Vita Wulfstani it is clear that Robert de Losinga, bishop of Hereford, was a close friend and ally of St Wulfstan, and the dioceses maintained this connection for some time thereafter; hence the Harley scribe’s work falls into the general orbit of Worcester book production.27 The Harley lyrics have been often cited as important antecedents to Langland’s own mode of alliterative satire, though it is generally agreed that their basic formal elements are reworked considerably in the versions of Piers Plowman.28

Though the lyrics do strongly suggest some direct continuity between St Wulfstan’s literate community and the first versions of Piers Plowman (and hence they help to justify my decision to limit my study to the West Midlands), it should not therefore be inferred that later medieval legal-homiletic discourse survived only in the vicinity of Worcester, or that Langland could only have encountered it there. Even the lyrics themselves appear to be written in a larger number of regional dialects.29 Evidence that alliterative traditions existed outside the vicinity of Worcester is provided by the two alliterative poetic fragments in the manuscript London, BL MS Arundel 292.30 The fourteenth-century fragments are copied into a thirteenth-century manuscript of The Bestiary, a text that has itself been identified as a possible “missing link” between alliterative Old English and alliterative Middle English.

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