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The Habsburg Monarchy 1809-1918 by A J P Taylor

Author:A J P Taylor

Language: eng

Format: epub

ISBN: 9780141932385

Publisher: Penguin Books Ltd

Published: 2009-03-08T16:00:00+00:00

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The Habsburg Monarchy 1809-1918 by A J P Taylor

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

HABSBURG RECOVERY:

THE ERA OF TAAFFE, 1879–93

 

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The Habsburg Monarchy 1809-1918 by A J P Taylor

Author:A J P Taylor , Date: June 9, 2019

,Views: 132

Author:A J P Taylor

Language: eng

Format: epub

ISBN: 9780141932385

Publisher: Penguin Books Ltd

Published: 2009-03-08T16:00:00+00:00
CHAPTER THIRTEEN

HABSBURG RECOVERY:

THE ERA OF TAAFFE, 1879–93

THE appointment of Taaffe restored political independence to the Emperor. Taaffe thus defined his own position: ‘I do not belong to any party and am not a party minister; I am a minister appointed by the Crown and, if I may use the expression, an Imperial minister (Kaiserminister). The will of the Emperor must, and will, be decisive for me.’ Taaffe aimed to conciliate the nationalities; ‘None of the various nationalities is to obtain decisive predominance.’ In return, the nationalities were to accept the unity of Austria and their representatives were to attend the Reichsrat. Instead of obeying a party majority, he manufactured a government bloc, ‘the iron ring’. His simplest appeal was to loyalty; good Austrians supported Taaffe, as Taaffe had obeyed the Emperor’s command to form a ministry. This appeal brought over the great landowners and the Poles, who had formerly sided with the ruling Germans; for these had no political principle other than conformity with Imperial wishes – so long as these did not threaten their social privileges. Taaffe won, too, the support of the German Roman Catholic peasantry, who had disliked the centralism and anti-clericalism of the German liberals. Taaffe achieved even more: he persuaded the Czechs, and so also the Slovenes who followed the Czech lead, to return to the Reichsrat and to swell the ‘iron ring’.

Rieger had found it increasingly difficult to hold his people to the policy of boycott after the failure of 1871. A Czech nation was coming into existence. The Czechs had once more a culture, with writers and musicians who could stand comparison with the greatest names of other nations.1 In 1881 a Czech national theatre was built by popular subscription; and a separate Czech University created in Prague. The new Czech middle class had little sympathy with Rieger’s aristocratic associates and none with their ‘historic’ programme. The Bohemian nobles disliked rule by bureaucrats and so demanded Bohemian home rule; the new Czech generation wished primarily to substitute Czech bureaucrats for German and did not mind going to Vienna in order to accomplish this substitution. In 1878 Rieger was already in retreat. He worked out new proposals for a compromise with Fischhof, one of the few Germans (in reality a Jew) who still believed in the spirit of Kromĕřiž. This ‘Ennersdorf programme’ proposed a Nationalities Law, no more electoral geometry, and Czech attendance at the Reichsrat in order to support a revision of Dualism; the provinces were to be given administrative autonomy on the pattern of Galicia – a modest demand since the days when Bohemia claimed equality with Hungary.

Taaffe completed the Czech conversion. He made Czech and Ger-man the two languages of the ‘outer service’1 in Bohemia. In return the Czechs agreed to enter the Reichsrat. They, too, scrambled on to the driver’s seat of the state coach and helped to push the Germans off. The historic rights of Bohemia received only the empty acknowledgement of a declaration, made by the Czechs at

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