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The Social Thought of Max Weber by Kalberg Stephen;

Author:Kalberg, Stephen;

Language: eng

Format: epub

Publisher: SAGE Publications

Published: 2018-11-27T15:31:03.045372+00:00

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The Social Thought of Max Weber by Kalberg Stephen;

Weber’s Multicausal, Comparative, and Configurational Methodology Revisited

This reconstruction from disparate threads has attempted to capture the broad multicausality at the foundation of Weber’s comparative-historical sociology. Causality perpetually “shifts” across a range of groups, above all ones oriented to the economy, rulership, religion, law, family, clan, and status-honor arenas, although also across groups that have arisen from discrete historical occurrences, Weber contends. A “final resting point”—whether, for example, the economy or the religion sphere—can never be identified (1968, p. 341; 1988, p. 456; 2009, pp. 215–216). Hence, his analysis of the rise of modern capitalism rejected, as noted, the Marxian formula articulated by his colleague and friend, Werner Sombart: The modern economic ethic is best understood as an outgrowth of capitalism’s development (2009, pp. 86–88). “Economic forms,” Weber emphasized repeatedly, prove incapable of giving birth to economic ethics.

Nonetheless, whether manifest as guild-based capitalism, the putting-out system, or mercantilism, these forms must be included in any analysis that purports to explain modern capitalism’s origin and expansion, he holds. And the economic and political interests of persons in the major groups oriented to an economic form, as well as their pursuit of sheer power and the causal power of their carrier groups, must also be acknowledged. However, the “other side” must not be lost in the process, Weber also insists. As mentioned, the development of technological innovations utilized by market-based capitalism, for example, was accelerated by the religious beliefs of ascetic Protestant scientists.

 

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The Social Thought of Max Weber by Kalberg Stephen;

Author:Kalberg, Stephen; , Date: June 17, 2019

,Views: 70

Author:Kalberg, Stephen;

Language: eng

Format: epub

Publisher: SAGE Publications

Published: 2018-11-27T15:31:03.045372+00:00
Weber’s Multicausal, Comparative, and Configurational Methodology Revisited

This reconstruction from disparate threads has attempted to capture the broad multicausality at the foundation of Weber’s comparative-historical sociology. Causality perpetually “shifts” across a range of groups, above all ones oriented to the economy, rulership, religion, law, family, clan, and status-honor arenas, although also across groups that have arisen from discrete historical occurrences, Weber contends. A “final resting point”—whether, for example, the economy or the religion sphere—can never be identified (1968, p. 341; 1988, p. 456; 2009, pp. 215–216). Hence, his analysis of the rise of modern capitalism rejected, as noted, the Marxian formula articulated by his colleague and friend, Werner Sombart: The modern economic ethic is best understood as an outgrowth of capitalism’s development (2009, pp. 86–88). “Economic forms,” Weber emphasized repeatedly, prove incapable of giving birth to economic ethics.

Nonetheless, whether manifest as guild-based capitalism, the putting-out system, or mercantilism, these forms must be included in any analysis that purports to explain modern capitalism’s origin and expansion, he holds. And the economic and political interests of persons in the major groups oriented to an economic form, as well as their pursuit of sheer power and the causal power of their carrier groups, must also be acknowledged. However, the “other side” must not be lost in the process, Weber also insists. As mentioned, the development of technological innovations utilized by market-based capitalism, for example, was accelerated by the religious beliefs of ascetic Protestant scientists.

His multicausal, context-specific, configurational, and comparative methodology maintains that both “internal” and “external” causes must be scrutinized. It also contends that reciprocal interactions across values, economic and political interests, and traditions must be acknowledged in all analyses that seek to establish causality. Religious congregations in the cities of the Middle Ages, for example, overcame traditional insider-outsider dualisms and turned believers effectively, as members of a new community of belief, toward universal values. This transformation then assisted confraternization elsewhere: Guilds and commerce could now include heretofore excluded groups. However, Weber takes his analysis also in the reverse causal direction: Guilds recruited members on the basis of skills rather than ethnic or clan criteria—and hence facilitated Christianity’s attempt to introduce universalistic ethics. Again, no “final resting point” can be identified.

His search to demarcate configurations of groups that formulated many deep contexts and his investigation of the long-range developments specific to Western rationalism and modern Western rationalism that gave birth to, and sustained, capitalism and modern capitalism resulted from his highly comparative methodology. Large-scale comparisons to China, India, and the Middle East, he maintains, alone delineate the uniqueness of Western rationalism’s contours and trajectory. How did capitalism’s course in other civilizations vary from its course in the West? Weber’s fine-grained, multicausal investigations repeatedly explore the ways constellations of interacting groups successfully formed contexts of groups—ones in reference to which the economy developed at varying speeds and in singular directions.

Variations of great magnitude have been revealed, indeed to such an extent that a widely held view of Weber’s analysis can now be discredited. According to

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