Buku Writing Women Saints in Anglo-Saxon England (Toronto Anglo-Saxon Series) by Szarmach Paul

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Writing Women Saints in Anglo-Saxon England (Toronto Anglo-Saxon Series) by Szarmach Paul

Author:Szarmach, Paul [Szarmach, Paul]

Language: eng

Format: azw3

Tags: LIT011000, LIT004120, SOC028000

Publisher: University of Toronto Press, Scholarly Publishing Division

Published: 2013-11-10T16:00:00+00:00

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Writing Women Saints in Anglo-Saxon England (Toronto Anglo-Saxon Series) by Szarmach Paul

Passio Agnetis and Ælfric’s Lives of Saints

Agnes’s appeal to a monastic audience, at least in Aldhelm’s and Bede’s eyes, clearly rested upon her embodiment of the hopes and aspirations of men and women who chose to turn away from the material constraints and gender definitions of the world’s societies and devote themselves to living in chastity like the angels because of their love for Christ. But what significance might the story of Agnes bear for a non-monastic audience in Anglo-Saxon England?74 All the versions of the legend expressed by Pseudo-Ambrose, Aldhelm, and Bede were clearly intended to encourage a sanctity obtainable through virginal life and devotion, but how might Agnes’s passio enter into the life and devotion of laypeople and perhaps secular (i.e., non-monastic) clergy? What might the legend surrounding the death of a woman distant in time and geography, as Rosalind Love points out in chapter 12 of this volume, have to say to an audience of non-monastic Anglo-Saxons? At the end of the tenth century, Ælfric translated the legend of Agnes as part of a collection intended to encourage secular audiences by making known the lives of saints “þe mynstermenn mid heora þenungum betwux him wurðiað”75 and that “læwedan men … nyston.”76 Ælfric may have included the passio of Agnes because, by embodying the life of the Christian soul and the Church, she acts as a point of contact wherein, as Peter Brown has said, heaven and earth are joined.77 The power and beauty of one such as Agnes inflame desire in the audience, not a desire for the saint but a desire to be the saint, to join the company of those who live the lives of angels on earth in order to be brides of Christ in heaven. As such, Ælfric may have included the passio of Agnes in his translation as a means of encouraging the secular clergy and the laity to firmly resist the pagan Vikings, to leave behind the desire for worldly marriages, and to enter into lives of monastic chastity.

Ælfric’s translation of the passio of Agnes appeals to its audience precisely in terms of desire, the desire of the saint for Christ, which then reproduces itself in the reader/hearer as she or he identifies with the saint and thus participates in the same will that is love. At this time no one has been able to establish whether or not Ælfric directly knew Augustine’s comments on the will that is love, but what is certain is that he knew through intermediary sources such as Alcuin this idea about the will that is love and the association Augustine makes between will, love, and the Holy Spirit, for Ælfric states in the Sermon on the Nativity of Our Lord Jesus Christ,“and se halga gast is heora begra wylle . and lufu . of him bam.”78 Further on, Ælfric connects the Trinity to its image in the human soul: “Seo sawle hæfð swa swa we ær cwædon on hire gecynde . þære halgan þrynnysse anlicnysse .

 

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Writing Women Saints in Anglo-Saxon England (Toronto Anglo-Saxon Series) by Szarmach Paul

Author:Szarmach, Paul [Szarmach, Paul] , Date: June 6, 2019

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Author:Szarmach, Paul [Szarmach, Paul]

Language: eng

Format: azw3

Tags: LIT011000, LIT004120, SOC028000

Publisher: University of Toronto Press, Scholarly Publishing Division

Published: 2013-11-10T16:00:00+00:00
Passio Agnetis and Ælfric’s Lives of Saints

Agnes’s appeal to a monastic audience, at least in Aldhelm’s and Bede’s eyes, clearly rested upon her embodiment of the hopes and aspirations of men and women who chose to turn away from the material constraints and gender definitions of the world’s societies and devote themselves to living in chastity like the angels because of their love for Christ. But what significance might the story of Agnes bear for a non-monastic audience in Anglo-Saxon England?74 All the versions of the legend expressed by Pseudo-Ambrose, Aldhelm, and Bede were clearly intended to encourage a sanctity obtainable through virginal life and devotion, but how might Agnes’s passio enter into the life and devotion of laypeople and perhaps secular (i.e., non-monastic) clergy? What might the legend surrounding the death of a woman distant in time and geography, as Rosalind Love points out in chapter 12 of this volume, have to say to an audience of non-monastic Anglo-Saxons? At the end of the tenth century, Ælfric translated the legend of Agnes as part of a collection intended to encourage secular audiences by making known the lives of saints “þe mynstermenn mid heora þenungum betwux him wurðiað”75 and that “læwedan men … nyston.”76 Ælfric may have included the passio of Agnes because, by embodying the life of the Christian soul and the Church, she acts as a point of contact wherein, as Peter Brown has said, heaven and earth are joined.77 The power and beauty of one such as Agnes inflame desire in the audience, not a desire for the saint but a desire to be the saint, to join the company of those who live the lives of angels on earth in order to be brides of Christ in heaven. As such, Ælfric may have included the passio of Agnes in his translation as a means of encouraging the secular clergy and the laity to firmly resist the pagan Vikings, to leave behind the desire for worldly marriages, and to enter into lives of monastic chastity.

Ælfric’s translation of the passio of Agnes appeals to its audience precisely in terms of desire, the desire of the saint for Christ, which then reproduces itself in the reader/hearer as she or he identifies with the saint and thus participates in the same will that is love. At this time no one has been able to establish whether or not Ælfric directly knew Augustine’s comments on the will that is love, but what is certain is that he knew through intermediary sources such as Alcuin this idea about the will that is love and the association Augustine makes between will, love, and the Holy Spirit, for Ælfric states in the Sermon on the Nativity of Our Lord Jesus Christ,“and se halga gast is heora begra wylle . and lufu . of him bam.”78 Further on, Ælfric connects the Trinity to its image in the human soul: “Seo sawle hæfð swa swa we ær cwædon on hire gecynde . þære halgan þrynnysse anlicnysse .

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